




































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































» ' ° • a * <0 O, *' # . S * yV •< 

^ r CT 0 0 " ° » ^o . 1 ' * * 



i 

C* .* 


% '^'V 

e * * <V C\ -0 5 s * * ' 

*■ *. -S „ * *P A X P- V .J 

♦ r(C\«^/k° cy * 

• M/A ° ^ V 

,♦ # ^ » wasw ‘ 
a 


^ * 

<f> ° » 

♦ V 

• % &' * 
; v^ v 


\V <u 

v + Y # <>x c\ 

f ^ 6<L 5^ • v 

- _f\ A>*.'^ /l . o > 


-^Wjr, » «» * •.£■».* o 

°o 4 

-ov^ :mmt~ *+<? : 


* C?*'* 

V* °* l ^<<f^$)'^t* .v •„ 

<A *° * * * A 0 V y\ <v 

r ^L c° . 6 _*^.!* °o A sL/rftZi + c Q 


° „* v ^ •if; 

,* •v <* °y<#v ) v , 

A < '••** ^ 


* ^ O 

« o > * 

j. 0 ■^*’ 

. r. ^-4* * ^ 

'<■ *"’* A 0 ^ 

^ . 4 ? .t^A ^ ,V 




V 

/ ** * o* 

* & 9* « 



/"V^V - 

Y * °* c\ sy * s V** 

• A n> v ^4//x^ - 

■ ^ ,#• « 



4 o 

.° -0? y<N 

•* y v^ / 

*'W* ^ V ^iK <r ' ^ ^ V r *%°' ¥ ^ 

/\ /\ If 

»b '" s # % .v.. < V°-‘‘ 0 ^° ..., v^ 5 ’ ^ ... % '••* 

<*» 4 *& *> a ' ^SNN\n'% tf ‘ _ a/I ?J&divyZ 2 * -p ^ 

o v • ^* 6 ^ ^o k ,p^< 



* * * - 



O 

^ ~ ' A.' 

O a/ 

«" O .t 

^ <.N ♦ j 

♦ O > • 

* *9 V\ 

pr > > w 

^ ^ r\ *£* ^ 


# o * 

> V V* ” 

^ r\ 1 ^ tf* 

~ ( $\ * O H 0 .y 

■fP ^4-A > V- 

.. „£* . ,-e- / 

* ^ % * 

♦° A^ V 'X l Www+ : . 

’A -4.PP cr 


A,^Ky*** * * * * 

' o . S 4 A 

j J* ‘i.w, -t 



f° v ^ , 

♦ J<vw A. p «<#*. /O' ♦ ^ * 

° .MMkstr %A , 



v ' * ^r»* ^ °o * • ’ ^o 

♦ ^ V + i *°* c\ ,9 s* 

» - ^ ^ A^ V 

,L° <1V' ^ 

V v O 


>? ^ « 
^ u 


r v ^ 

> ^ *o .A V • 

<P^ A V 0 N o ^ A > ... <X 

>-U O ^ 'f o AV Lie *0> 

v C; • o vl^- '.^ryO^d -r ^ 

V6 y; x ^SN\\n%.'P A * J&({l//yt2* ^ V? 



^ * ; ^^ 5 -♦ ^ 

«J> * o M 0 0 AJ/ C? 

< t t . T \ V V> 

5 --^ V ^ v * c> 

► 5 ^ # ^ A 

4 

**<? 




** a 


4 *v 


^ A^ * 

v*V ** 

















V\ v 




° * A * 



* 'V 


a° ^ *<v7Z % a 

r cr c °" ° -» ^o 



: W 








^ ^ 

a^ 7 x 

A > 0 f* <* 

y*U 0 ° ^ * O * ^ « 

* <$N\\\n%^ <N *♦ 

o /x\ ^s^\ll/'*8* * 0> * 

♦ O > » 


* 




f» y • 





o 

'>* 4^ 


o V 



*' . .T* A 

* * . ^o .A S 


f: * 



• 


*° ^ • 

WVS^v^ * \ 

^ ^ '• O * t ~ c 6W^ > ‘>* 0 

,.., % °"° ^ °^ # *^* ^° 
^ V I' * • °<r C> ^ 





5^ ' W 



o N o J O 



< o 


;* ^ 



A < ^ > o *■ ' * * ^<£* 

1^ .*/***,% ^ 



: v** - i! 


* £ 


r\ » o * a *%*- 

^vJ o w . ♦ C 

'nr V • c^VUV ^ 

* %#> « 
i "* V* (T 




if * 

*2* 


* yzywjr? *° V * J . "j^!l|iS !< \° .** °<* 

f °° y -o . 

° «v <£ > gmV- a ’ 

, °.Wi£W> : <■?%> : . 



!a 

x 

° ^ . * 

t* <W/ 


\ *bv* 



/ 1 


,* v ^ 1 


. , ^.y * 

^ ,o* *•"•, **b Jy ,.... 

^ o , 0 o ^ . * 

; <{5 o* * 

,. ^ <xy o ^ 

* o ~ v ' 





7TS .J 



y °o *. .f; • ’ o° ^ '. 3 ,* + 

v ';•”- ^ A 0 V .»•*•% v % 



: v^ v * $ 


• % A 

vr-^ V : i! 

jiF 16 Cy> ^ 

' a" '> '*-f.'?* < o* ,v ^ %^ t »- a 

0 V o 0 N 0 -» ^o . t I a <$> 0 « O T ^-, 

u> ^ t *o- "* dsN/v!/^ * 4 A N . + JS/7/ 

o V . - 1 0^ 0 w , ^' //y 

’0 

. v ^ w <.^y//ii\^> 

• <3.^ O <■ 

^ ® N 0 ° ^ O 



\ ^ 


A u <b. ' • ■ 

.0* »'• • % "> 

A 'jWi' .*. 


» 


▼ V P ^ f 

o 

^ «■ “Jw* ^ '. 

^ '••** 

0^ 0 0 " 0 -f C> 

♦ T '-sr 0 * 



>< ^ cr 


' ^o V 8, 


•' «> 





> 


4, 


V 


u. ** 


'*:%■>• y- 1 ’ c b * 

^ -y v p f » o^. s s**/. 

^ A V tjA^ e ^ 































w • 














































Calendar No. 22 


65th Congress, ) 

SENATE. 

j Report 

1 st Session. ) 


( No. 22. 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY SERVICE. 


April 19, 1917.—Ordered to be printed. 

Mr. Chamberlain, from the Committee on Military Affairs, sub¬ 
mitted the following 

REPORT. 


[To accompany S. 1871.] 

The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the bill 
(S. 1871) to authorize the President to increase temporarily the Mili¬ 
tary Establishment of the United States, having carefully considered 
the same, report thereon favorably with amendments and as so 
amended recommend that the bill do pass. 

This measure, designed to provide large armed forces to meet 
effectually the present great national emergency, proceeds in recog¬ 
nition of the just principle of universal liability to national military 
service, and adopts, with modifications to suit our situation, that 
system which our own experience, as well as the experience of the 
world now in arms, has proved to be the only adequate and effectual 
one. While this measure establishes as a means of raising such 
forces the system of selective draft, it has left room for the operation 
of so much of the volunteer system as in our judgment is worthy 
of adoption. While it provides for the raising of additional forces 
in large number by selective draft exclusively, it also provides, 
through means of recruiting to war strength the existing establish¬ 
ments of the Regular Army and the National Guard, for absorbing 
a force of more than 600,000 volunteers. Thus, happily, the bill, 
while establishing and placing the national dependence upon the 
almost universally approved system of draft, at the same time ac¬ 
commodates itself to such volunteer spirit as exists and is available 
in the early days of . war. Thus it is that the bill provides for a 
Volunteer Army larger than any Volunteer Army ever before raised 
by this Nation at any one time or as a result of any one piece of 
legislation. The adoption of this system necessarily excludes the 
volunteer method upon which this country, following tradition 
rather than reason, experience, counsel, and the lessons of its own 
history as well as of the other nations of the world, has too long 
relied. 








2 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY SERVICE. 



The volunteer method has never proved adequate and effectual 
for national needs, and will prove far less so now. War as now 
conducted is of a hitherto unconceived magnitude. . Now millions 
of men are demanded where formerly a few thousands only were 
required. We must no longer think in terms of divisions but in 
large groups of armies, each consisting of hundreds of thousands 
of men. In former times of national stress, far less perilous than 
this, the volunteer method has never furnished the men needed for 
the emergency. History shows that, much to our detriment, we 
have begun our wars with this inadequate and ineffectual method, 
and have brought them to a successful conclusion only by resort to 
a system based on proper principles. The volunteer method failed 
this Nation in the Revolution and it was only the material aid of 
France that gave us our independence. It failed us in the war of 
1812 and had it not been for drastic draft laws and the diversion 
created by the Napoleonic War we could not have concluded even 
such peace as we did. It failed the Confederacy in the Civil War, 
and that government, to its advantage, was quicker to perceive that 
fact than our own. It likeAvise failed the Federal Government, 
and volunteering having practically ceased b}^ the end of 1862, was 
succeeded in the following year by the first of the draft acts. It 
failed us in the Spanish-American War, for the force then called 
for was never obtained. 

The volunteer method has no fundamental legal basis for its 
existence. The universal liability to render military service is 
based upon the fundamental concept of the relation of a freeman 
to the State. From the earliest times every freeman, in legal theory 
at least, has been under the necessity of rendering military service 
to the State. The volunteer method grew, not out of any legal 
principle, but was adopted doubtless as an expedient having no 
other basis, perhaps, than that the need of the State on ordinary 
occasion has heretofore required the service of far less than the 
numbers available. The mere frequency of resort to this method 
of raising forces, which in its origin had nothing to sustain it but 
convenience, has resulted .in causing us in some degree to forget 
the fundamental fact that every citizen capable of bearing arms 
has the bounden duty to render military service to the State. And 
the same frequency of resort has established the tradition that the 
volunteer system is the only system of raising military forces com¬ 
patible with the maintenance of liberty. On the contrary, it is 
incompatible with that right and duty equal participation in the 
affairs and burdens of State which characterizes American political 
institutions. To render military service to t\e Nation is a higher 
duty than to contribute to its financial support. Fundamentally 
considered, therefore, military service is the highest duty of the 
citizen and is in no sense to be regarded as a voluntary offering. 

Our experience with the volunteer system has revealed its de¬ 
ficiencies to all who will view it candidly. Shortly after the close 
of the Revolution and until the beginning of the Civil War the 
country looked almost exclusively to a system of militia and volun¬ 
teers. The act of February 24, 1807, was the first, and may be re¬ 
garded as the typical volunteer act, a principal feature of which was, 
as it has always been of that method, the provision that organizations 



D 0 of D/ 
APR 30' 1917 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY SERVICE. 


3 


tendering their voluntary service to the United States should con¬ 
tinue to be commanded by officers holding commissions therein at the 
time of the tender. This method has, of course, received at all times 
commendation from the leading spirits who became its officers and 
were transferred as such into the national service, but never in the 
history of this country has it been tested in comparison with any 
other system. It has, of course, always drawn a meed of fulsome 
praise from those who through its operation have been able to throw 
upon others the burden of their duty and from those who for polit¬ 
ical advancement have sought to fawn upon the vanity of those who 
served under it. Its demerits, however, have always been obvious 
and recognized as such by every thorough student of political and 
military affairs. 

This method, first fastened upon this country after its military 
destinies had ceased to be guided by Washington, has failed both 
first and last. Employed during the War of 1812, it never did result 
in an effective army and had, as heretofore mentioned, to be supple¬ 
mented by drastic draft legislation, and for the 470,000 men raised 
in that war the system was distinguished for supplying twice as 
many officers as any proper system of military organization could 
have required. 

Of this method thus early established, Gen. Upton well says 
(p. 91, Military Policy): “It was half a century later that we 
reaped the bitter fruits of this system at the Battle of Bull Bun.” 
That battle, the first of the war, though it should have contributed 
much, contributed nothing whatever to the decision, and this for the 
very reason which so unnecessarily prolonged that struggle, namely, 
the incompetence of those placed in command by the volunteer 
method. It is generally conceded that victorious and vanquished 
armies were about equally demoralized. The truth is the volunteer 
system and the State method of recruiting it, which seems to be a 
necessary concomitant of it, throughout the war 4 proved such a failure 
to Union arms that it could but have been disastrous in the face of an 
enemy better prepared than were the Confederates or with a better 
system. 

Both Governments recognized the inefficiency of their methods and 
both applied a more or less efficient measure—the principle of uni¬ 
versal liability to military service. The Confederate Compulsory 
Service Act of 1862 and the Union Draft Act of 1863, makeshifts as 
both were, were made more effectual by subsequent legislation toward 
the close of the war. Looking back it can be said indisputably that 
had either army adopted an adequate and effectual draft system at 
the beginning of the war it could have crushed its adversary. 

England has had a like experience. Like ourselves, in the same 
way and moved by the same forces, she had permitted that principle 
of government, which is fundamental with her as well as with us, to 
drop into practical obscurity so far as it affected her land forces. 
It is worthy to be remembered that England has never trusted the 
effectual maintenance of her first great line of defense, her navy, to 
such haphazard method alone, and has never permitted her tradi¬ 
tions in this regard to affect the efficiency of that branch of her de¬ 
fense. The influence of this British tradition in this regard has 
brought her to the verge of national disaster in this pending gigantic 


4 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY .SERVICE. 


struggle, which involves her life as, indeed, it may involve ours. 
Under the incubus of that tradition, as compelling there as here, she 
set about this* war first by sacrificing as, under the emergency and « 
the result of her system she must inevitably have done, her regular f 
establishment. Shoved to the brink of calamity and after loss in¬ 
calculable, she did what we and she have always belatedly done— 
turned away from the system which must inevitably bring such re¬ 
sults in the face of an enemy who does not thus impede himself to a 
system based on dominant national principle. No effectual army 
was raised in Great Britain until the volunteer system was aban¬ 
doned and compulsory service established in its stead. Such a 
service was first but less effectually established by the force of en-' 
lightened and apprehensive public opinion operating in the form of 
social compulsion evidenced by derision, ostracism, and abuse heaped 
upon those who were reluctant to respond. Finding this method 
ineffectual, Parliament, on May 25, 1916, passed the most sweeping 
compulsory-service act ever expressed in the English tongue, whereby 
every male British subject resident in Great Britain between the 
ages of 18 and 41 years was made a member of the regular forces for 
general military service as if he had been enlisted therein. The 
whole body of arms-bearing subjects thus constituted a grand reserve I 
thus placed in national military service, out of which the Govern¬ 
ment selected at its will for active service with the colors such num¬ 
bers as were deemed necessary to meet the national crisis. The 
British people are to day, three years after the outbreak of the war, 
where they would have been at its outbreak had they been so well 
advised then as they are now. It would be folly for us at this late * 
day, in the light of their experience, to begin where they began. •>' 

The volunteer system does not accord with the principles of our in¬ 
stitutions. It is undemocratic. It shifts the burden of national de¬ 
fense from the many, where it rightfully belongs, to the shoulders of 
the few, whose condition in life or patriotism impels them first to 
offer themselves to accept the risks and hardships of war. The 
spirit of real democracy, which must lie at the basis of national de¬ 
fense, could not be better expressed than was done by the mother of 
two sons, who, in writing to urge that the system established by this 
bill be adopted, said: 

It is the only just, equitable, and democratic way; otherwise the flower of 
the country is sacrificed. We mothers with our sons want to defend this 
country, but we resent thus saving a lot of shirkers. This is the woman’s 
point of view, but from the military standpoint it is also the most efficacious. 

In a word, the volunteer system which this measure is designed to 
supersede is undemocratic, unreliable, extravagant, inefficient, and, 
above all, unsafe. The system established by this bill will have one 
other effect greatly to be desired in this Nation, consisting as it does 
of varied elements of all races and tongues. It would directly and 
very effectually tend to the unification of our people by common as¬ 
sociation in a common cause in furtherance of the principle that it is 
the duty, as it should be the desire, of all citizens of whatever race or 
origin to undergo all necessary sacrifice for the national good. It 
strikes down that opportunity, which the volunteer method delib¬ 
erately induces, for the selfish and unpatriotic to remain at home in 
time of war and to profit out of the Nation’s adversity at the expense 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY SERVICE. 


5 


of those whose patriotism has impelled them to perform a citizen’s 
duty. 

J his is no time to tolerate uncertainty in the raising and the main¬ 
tenance of the large numbers of men which the present emergency 
is likely to require nor uncertainty in the methods to be adopted 
tor the establishment of an adequate, efficient military service. The 
bill makes certain the raising and maintenance of the required forces 
with the utmost expedition. It establishes the principle that all 
arms-bearing citizens owe to the Nation the duty of defending it. 
It selects only those who by reason of their age and physical capacity 
are the best fitted to receive the training and withstand the actual 
hardship of a campaign, and who, happily, can be taken with least 
disturbance of normal economic and industrial conditions. 

In closing this report upon the measure under consideration it 
seems appropriate to refer to what President Lincoln had to say upon 
the subject of the draft at a critical stage of the Civil War. No one 
would have the temerity to doubt either his patriotism, his democracy, 
or his great ability as a lawyer and as a statesman. While opposition 
to the enforcement of the draft law was at its height he prepared an 
address to the American people, which, though never issued, has been 
published from the original manuscript in his own handwriting by 
those who were most intimately acquainted with him and who could 
speak with authority. In that address, which is a fitting conclusion 
to this report, he said amongst other things: 

It is at all times proper that misunderstanding between the public and the 
public servant should be avoided : and this is far more important now than in 
times of peace and tranquillity. I therefore address you without searching for 
a precedent upon which to do so. Some of you are sincerely devoted to the 
republican institutions and territorial integrity of our country, and yet are 
opposed to what is called the draft, or conscription. 

At the beginning of the war, and ever since, a variety of motives, pressing, 
some in one direction and some in the other, would be presented to the mind 
of each man physically fit for a soldier, upon the combined effect of which 
motives he would, or would not, voluntarily enter the service. Among these 
motives would be patriotism, political bias, ambition, personal courage, love of 
adventure, want of employment, and convenience, or the opposite of some of 
these. We already have, and have had, in the service, as appears, substantially 
all that can be obtained upon this voluntary weighing of motives. And yet we 
must somehow obtain more, or relinquish the original object of the contest, 
together with all the blood and treasure already expended in the effort to 
secure it. To meet this necessity the law for the draft has been enacted. You 
who do not wish to be soldiers do not like this law. This is natural; nor does 
it imply want of patriotism. Nothing can be so just and necessary as to make 
us like' it if it is disagreeable to us. We are prone, too, to find false arguments 
with which to excuse ourselves for opposing such disagreeable things. In this 
case, those who desire the rebellion to succeed, and others who seek reward in 
a different way, are very active in accommodating us with this class of argu¬ 
ments. * * * 

The republican institutions and territorial integrity of our country can not 
be maintained without the further raising and supporting of armies. There 
can be no army without men. Men can be had only voluntarily or involuntarily. 
We have ceased to obtain them voluntarily, and to obtain them involuntarily 
is the draft—the conscription. If you dispute this fact, and declare that men 
can still be had voluntarily in sufficient numbers, prove the assertion by your¬ 
selves volunteering in such numbers, and I shall gladly give up the draft. 
Or if not a sufficient number, but any one of you will volunteer, he for his 
single self will escape all the horrors of the draft, and will thereby do only 
what each one of at least a million of his manly brethren have already done. 
Their toil and blood have been given as much for you as for themselves. Shall 
it all be lost rather than that you, too, will bear your part? 


0 


UNIVERSAL LIABILITY TO MILITARY SERVICE. 


1 do not say that all who would avoid serving in tlie war are unpatriotic; 
but I do think every patriot should willingly take his chance under a law, 
made with great care, in order to secure entire fairness. This law was con¬ 
sidered, discussed, modified, and amended by Congress at great length; and 
with much labor; and was finally passed, by both branches, with a near 
approach to unanimity. At last, it may not be exactly such as any one man 
out of Congress, or even in Congress, would have made it. It has been said, 
and I believe truly, that the Constitution itself is not altogether such as any 
one of its framers would have preferred. It was the joint work of all, and 
certainly the better that it was so. * * * 

The principle of draft, which simply is involuntary or enforced service, Is not 
new. It has been practiced in all ages of the world. It was well known to the 
framers of our Constitution as one of the modes of raising armies, at the time 
they placed in that instrument the provision that “the Congress shall have 
power to raise and support armies.” It had been used just before, in establish¬ 
ing our independence, and it was also used under the Constitution in 1812. 
Wherein is the peculiar hardship now? Shall we shrink from the necessary 
means to maintain our free government, which our grandfathers employed to 
establish it and our own fathers have already employed once to maintain it? 
Are we degenerate? Has the manhood of our race run out? 

Again, a law may be both constitutional and expedient, and yet may he admin¬ 
istered in an unjust and unfair way. This law belongs to a class, which class 
is composed of those laws whose object is to distribute burdens or benefits on 
the principle of equality. No one of these laws can ever be practically adminis¬ 
tered with that exactness which can be conceived of in the mind. A tax law, 
the principle of which is that each owner shall pay in proportion to the value of 
his property, will be a dead letter if no one can be compelled to pay until it 
can be shown that every other one will pay in precisely the same proportion, 
according to value; nay, even it will be a dead letter if no one can be com¬ 
pelled to pay until it is certain that every other one will pay at all—even in 
unequal proportion. Again, the United States House of Representatives is 
constituted on the principle that each member is sent by the same number of 
people that each other is sent by; and yet, in practice, no two of the whole 
number, much less the whole number, are ever sent by precisely the same num¬ 
ber of constituents. The districts can not be made precisely equal in popula¬ 
tion at first, and if they could, they would become unequal in a single day, and 
much more so in the 10 years which the districts, once made, are to continue. 
They can not he remodeled every day, nor, without too much expense and labor, 
even every year. 

This sort of difficulty applies in full force to the practical administration 
of th6 draft law. In fact, the difficulty is greater in the case of the draft law. 
First, it starts with all the inequality of the Congressional districts; but these 
are based on entire population, while the draft is based upon those only who 
are fit for soldiers, and such may not bear the same prqportion to the whole 
in one district that they do in another. Again, the facts must be ascertained, 
and credit given, for the unequal numbers of soldiers which have already 
gone from the several districts. In all these points errors will occur in sp-ite 
of the utmost fidelity. The Government is bound to administer the law with 
such an approach to exactness as is usual in analogous cases, and as entire 
good faith and fidelity will reach. If so great departures as to be incon¬ 
sistent with such good faith and fidelity, or great departures occurring in any 
way, be pointed out, they shall be corrected; and any agent shown to have 
caused such departures intentionally shall be dismissed. 

With these views, and on these principles, I feel bound to tell you it is my 
purpose to see the draft law faithfully executed. 

o 


'T. 

















i: . ' 



























* 

































' • - 





» 




\ 






✓ 


V 







( 








> 


» 











/ * * 






































































o 


Cy' VP. 

o 


^ i ,l/. 4 

C° / ‘ 



w *«* 0 * 


j*. *■ !~ t ^ A/ •»* 

^ " i# <y 

V * L/v. ♦ 

^ -V & A> * 

*. • 


* <*> C> o 

; *p^ : 

o o^ vv * „ . , * aT 



*k '"’' <<* 

v> V t * 

•o A * / 

• +*& • 


° c 



• aV**> -* 

A *& *& %» 

° • * w A <?\ *■' •.« 

0°"% <*> 

N v 



-C,-' JV* 

. y V 

. t / » . 

<* t yv^z-, -r O „1 

<* ^*4 K \ ^ 

r ' v o o > 

' _ -* I ’ 4 a 





** *£». A V 

* ^ ,<£ * 

■" J'V * 

/ & % 

*<>•** A, ^ * 

A c 0 M 0 - ^ 

4* 9 

^ ri> o 
o > 

: *.. 

^0 ^ **>’•’ ^ 

y «.V °, y> 


- av*^. 

* A > v\ » 
<L V K* * VS & + ^ 

<^r *• • * * A ^ 

isV * l I 3 * A C 0 N ° + <£. 

V . *—/**&. -r i r^fv / *P 

ft <N v o^XXto * *y 

. ^ A 


*<*0* 







a® 



v ^ °. 

. ' * * 5 " ^ v 
^ C°\v^ °o 

^o' • J »" *o 



/ % / v^*’<** ^ 

<0 V > V v *LVL'* ,0 v <^ v *°- 


° y^l L --1^^ •* °j\ ^ «> ^\ ^|>^ ; ° ° 

y 'o.*- a <y ^?y s * . 

*>y A> o N o <$, A L / a 

C-/ _ A ^ c _ ^ ** . O , • 4 O 

“N v ^\\\R^ rr 



~*o ? ; 


■jN 0 o»» A <i> 

Jtw^ 


^0^ 


i' 0 '^ ’* 


4" O. 

s ^ 

^ *?<*-■? «.► O 

*V • < ’ .v ° 

<> \> ,S * • A 



<> V c »«o,.^ V " ! , 

V "V . 





















^ Ay 
o V 


4 o. * 

■OA vtv * 

%* .a.^ cv _ 

* ^ .*0 

* * * '* C\ <)’ * t • o. 


V v * 


,0 



• l JSX?: <?°- 

V V^v 


^ c? 


* aV«** 

4 ** • 



* 4? <j> % o 1 

* - 1 "’, o o -jP .°J^% X> 

; <bv* : 

* 4p V\ 

>> V 1 <#Y * -ZS//IVJ& * k 

,» ^<x‘ <-Y -> ^~V A> & i -^ z ^ A . ^ -oy 

$ °^> ®-° A 0 f, ' (1 / 

♦ *VQfl?V. *%, A .VjS^V ^ a* •*<fifi^'. **. a* /. 

/ 4> Y • 

o, '0.1'* A 

a\ 

* o 

A ° 

X ■* 




O M 0 


,* .v* 








°b>: 



* ^'V W» a* v % "• 

<x **t: * * ,g v ^ 'o • * * a <* **.. * 
& V c ° "° * <$Y rft #*■'•♦ ^o V& c 0 * * ♦ ^ 

C S-**a~ * o ^ • 


. X° ^ V^//Wv <L 

V o Aj &alr* % * 

^ 0 ^ * * * 1 * ^ 

,<y •**<>- \> V • •.VL'* 

^-d* > . 5* . • a a * *jKAwJWt- <* 

V’ * , 



*b V* .° 


S'?* 



". Y 0* 

°^ °» 0 a9 ^ • * 1 A> 

c\ A » v • °-» V 





* 4T . 



0* ^O 

C -t. 4. 


■» o 



1 « 

. ^ 0 X 

; ^ *. 

* V o V 

V ^ o ii o 

. V ^ «‘ Y *° 

o Af + 

o o 


® *» 0 0 A? 0 * • ' 1 • * ^ 

0^ . V * °- ^y> '** 



♦ Ktf ^*1 k °«> 

'°- : * <> <* *'TT. •'.&'*' o ”'»■•'*' A <* '..• 

» c o w ® ♦ • 1 ' * ♦ ^o A % O o«o, <6 

- “ -- -' J i_ /v^->_ •* .1 . r-C^t\ _ <» *P 



, ■* O J 

^ A o' 

o V 

X* >° X* "* 




S * • f 


A/ o w o * 

-©- • -H^ ^ 0" +VvT%^' O J ^ 

*. ^o 4 :§gm^' v • 

; a°* *.m^o‘ jp^ \yzmm; a°* 

’* A°° , X, ^ t ' $> . V‘-’ ^ 0 ° <>o ’’V ... 

^ A& ^ A^' .‘iatS'. \/ ^ > -‘ 

° ^ V 

'r/ s 4 «G V '••*• A <b ^'** s% A° % "°‘ x 

. t f. 4 ^ O o ^o # <i> 0‘ t . «^4 o o 







O U 0 


• ,0° V **-'•' A 

.0^ .-•».'> v" .A'A' 


O H 0 


v> ^ y ♦ 


DOBBS BROS. A 1 

LIBRARY BINDING X_P C 




«» A^^ 

♦ aP ^ • 


fa'- .../'# n v . 1 ' •. "^o A v „ -" •, X. 

k * ^^#32084 <®§StoVL T* ^ ° .V J 




'1—6. 


rv 


^0 


*b V 


^ o 






library 


■111 

020 

- 


!> . •• 1 

V' !• •' f: 

Uh : ) 



- » . »■» 

■4*3 YcJ 

I V» 



■ , «e »■ , < i 

I *, 

■ 





> f > vj 



mu 


• r ,./ i* 




r •..?, ■ - *. / • r / .> •: * /**. 7 f 








